The issue for our regional legislature is and will always remain a truism - there are only things for it to do when there are things needing doing; the rest of the time, there's nothing needing doing and as a result, nothing for the legislature to decide on.
As many of you will know I am and have always been in favour of increasing political engagement, but I am leery of make-work. I don't want to find reasons for our legislature to do things because we don't have a role-play legislature, we have a real legislature. It decides on actual, (mostly) important issues that affect our members, our forums and more generally the region as a whole. It puts into place procedures that deal with likely issues outside its direct remit (like personal problems between members that require the Courts) and tries to prevent issues from arising where it can (through legislation).
An Open Assembly would enable new members to become involved in our regional political discourse without having to wait however many days/weeks/months to run in our current electoral cycle. However, the issue remains - they can only be involved when there are things to be involved in.
I have supported an Open Assembly in the past and done my utmost to gather together an assortment of ideas and synthesise them into a coherent legal document from which to base its structure. I have voted against an Open Assembly at ratification because it was obvious issues remained that needed addressing before the concerns of several of our esteemed and engaged members could be laid properly to rest. I'm fairly sure I've voted in favour of that same Open Assembly proposal in the Underhusen.
Quoted below is the document I created during the Constitutional Convention discussions:
The Lower Chamber (The Open Assembly)
- Requires fifteen posts to join. If two current members sponsor an individual, or the Monarch sponsors an individual, they may be raised into the OA without meeting these requirements.
- Laws are proposed by either one member, in which case a to be determined number of sponsors (2 to 4 seems sensible given current activity) are required to move it on to debate, or by two or more members, in which case it goes to debate automatically. A bill must receive the required number of sponsors within 48 hours.
- Once a bill has moved to debate, it has a week to be discussed IN FULL before it can be moved on to the upper chamber. There should, of course, be provisions for tabling and extending debate if so required.
- Officers are elected every 3 months to preside over discussion, move proposed bills to debate and alert the upper chamber that a bill is ready to be checked over. We can decide how many of these we need or want through further discussion [CURRENT SUGGESTION: 3].
- Abstentions should be allowed in either Not Voting or No Opinion format, the former indicating a desire to abstain out of personal feelings and the latter a desire to abstain out of a lack of any strong feelings either way. I think this is how it's been set up in the UH currently.
- The Monarch would obviously retain a veto power over any legislation he thinks should be thrown out, but a 2/3rds majority can overturn this veto if so desired. He can veto at any point in the legislative process - once a bill is passed into law, he must go through the usual amendment or striking process to remove an act.
- As our member base increases, so too should the size of the OA. We could either do this by the standard "once you pass the criteria you're in" method OR use Lau's idea of holding back new members for a small period of time and inducting a group of them all at once. Sponsorship would of course circumvent this requirement. If someone doesn't want to be part of the OA, this staggered induction would give them time to make that desire known and allow them to avoid being involved in regional politics if they so wished.
The Upper Chamber (The Elected House)
- Made up of minimum 4 maximum 10 (can be revised upwards as needed by an internal motion, similar to how the OH legislates its own procedural rules and the UH legislates its seating requirements for each new term) individuals, of which a third are elected by the OA from a list put forward by the Monarch and two thirds are appointed directly by the Monarch himself.
- The duty of this House is to double check bills and return them to the OA if any revisions need to be made WITH CLEAR REFERENCE TO WHAT NEEDS TO BE CHANGED. They can also, should they wish, make a petition in which a majority of EH officials can call on the OA to draft a law on a topic they think needs legislating on. This gives the EH a little more legislative power than they have currently but keeps them mostly as a revisionary body to avoid tyranny of the majority etc.
- Elections for the elected seats should be held every 4 months or every 6 months. The EH members appointed by the Monarch come up for review at the same time, meaning that if the OA finds issue with one appointed individual, that individual's seat opens up for the Monarch to appoint a new member. If no issues are found with appointed members, they continue to hold their seat until removed by the Monarch.
Once a bill is passed into law, the Act is then considered ratified and moved to the Monarch for final approval. This is his last opportunity to veto, after which he'd have to petition for an Act to be amended or revoked through the usual petitions channels.
As always, I try to find compromises between strongly-held beliefs and bring together ideas in such a way that people on both sides of a debate can hopefully find something to agree on. In the current form of discussion regarding a possible Open Assembly, there appear to be two sides -
try it because it could work better, and why try it because what we have works already. In this regard, the proposal quoted above is likely not fit for purpose.
As such, perhaps rather than overhauling the entire Storting bicameral system, we should look into ways to extend the 'franchise' (as it were) to more members within the current system. This is not to say that I am suggesting having a higher number of elected members of the Underhusen - we've tried that in the past and had to reduce the number of seats because we didn't fill them all.
What we have right now is an Underhusen that creates and presents law, an Overhusen who approves or vetoes in the Monarch's interests... and a Citizen's Platform, where every citizen has the opportunity to discuss Bills on the Underhusen floor and propose Bills for consideration to be taken forward.
It is my suggestion, then, that we look at ways of codifying the role of the Citizen's Platform to allow for as much engagement as our citizenry would like. This leaves the majority of our mostly well-functioning, time-tested legislative system intact whilst adding another layer that is already a proven method of engaging a wider audience of our citizens in political discourse.